DECEMBER 2024 DOCUMENT OF THE MONTH
TITLE: Letter from Robert Bowne in Shrewsbury, NJ, to John Bowne at Flushing
DATE: 3rd of 12th month [December], 1776
DOCUMENT ID: PBP 2008.419L
Commentary by Charlotte Jackson, Bowne House Archivist
Note: for the full text of the letter, download the transcription above; or, scroll to the end of the post.
“…I make no doubt you are anxious to hear how it fares with us in this time of general Calammity…”
On December 3, 1776, a man in Shrewsbury, New Jersey penned these words to his older brother in Flushing, New York. The writer’s name was Robert Bowne: thirty-one years old with a wife, young daughter, and newborn son. This great-grandson of John Bowne had been born in 1745 to two Quaker preachers, John and Dinah (Underhill) Bowne. His brother and correspondent, John Bowne IV, still lived in the 1661 Bowne House, where they had both grown up. However, Robert had fled New York City after the Battle of Long Island in August 1776, reluctantly leaving both his Manhattan home and a newly opened stationery and dry goods business, Bowne & Co., ahead of the coming invasion. He and his wife Betsey took refuge near her father, Robert Hartshorne, in rural Monmouth County. Now he was writing to his childhood home across enemy lines. Luckily, Robert’s letter survived to be preserved there with other family papers in the Bowne House Archives.
The British Landing at Kip’s Bay, New York Island, 15 September 1776 by Robert Cleveley, 1777 (Royal Museums Greenwich)
“I have endeavour’d to avoid giving offence to any, have associated with very few, which I have found to be much the safest, as there are many warm persons near us that are ketching at everything they can take the least advantage of to distress those who do not approve of their violent and unjust proceedings.”
Here, Robert describes the awkward position of Quakers during the Revolutionary War. Then as now, Quakers were pacifists (although some, such as General Nathanael Greene, chose to fight and were disowned by their Meetings.) The Quaker Peace Testimony dates back to the 1660 Restoration of the English monarchy, when the sect’s founder George Fox and eleven others proclaimed to King Charles the II: “All bloody principles and practices we do utterly deny, with all outward wars, and strife, and fightings with outward weapons, for any end, or under any pretence whatsoever, and this is our testimony to the whole world.”
The Quakers’ desire to remain neutral in the conflict made them suspect to both sides, particularly to the Patriots. Thomas Paine even wrote an appendix to his revolutionary tract Common Sense rebuking the Society of Friends for taking an official stance discouraging rebellion. Bowne’s letter continues, “The New Yorkers have been repeatedly threatened that they should be all drove away from this quarter tho’ they never put it in execution, many that was here have returned to New York. I should have been there myself before this had it not been for my family which I do not intend to leave as long as I can stay with them.”
This passage underscores the extent to which the American Revolution was truly a civil war, and nowhere more so than Monmouth County, which New Jersey’s Governor Livingston dubbed “the theatre of spoil and destruction.” New Yorkers were regarded as likely Tory sympathizers, as even before the British occupation the City contained one of the highest concentrations of Loyalists in the Colonies. To compound the problem, the Hartshornes—Bowne’s in-laws—were themselves known to harbor Loyalist sympathies. His wife’s cousin Lawrence spied for the British and fled to Nova Scotia after the war. His father-in-law, Robert Hartshorne, and the latter’s brothers Essek and John, were regarded by their contemporaries and by later historians as “disaffected.” They suffered a variety of injuries during the Revolutionary period, including arrest, confiscation of property, and loss of public office.
“I am just informed that some of the King’s Troops and Light Horse are 9 or 10 miles this side of Amboy, which has occasioned the Provincials to withdraw the guard from along shore and given me this opportunity of writing to thee.”
By this date—December 3, 1776—the Continental Army was in full-on retreat towards the Delaware River following the loss of Fort Lee, with British and Hessian troops in pursuit. On December 9th, six days later, Washington and his men would be forced out of New Jersey entirely and onto the eastern bank. Given this chaotic situation, it’s not clear exactly which units Bowne is referring to in the above passage. However, a skirmish was recorded near Amboy on December 12, involving the First New Jersey Volunteers, a regiment of Loyalist “refugees” from Monmouth, who had been granted militia status by the British. Such homegrown units in the Colonies were often called “Provincials” by the British.
“Jos. {Joseph} Thorne has been down here several times this fall; we have contrived matters in the best manner we were capable of, to avoid suffering by the depreciation of the Continental currency.”
Continental currency printed by Benjamin Franklin. (Wikimedia)
The latter part of the letter touches upon the trading activities of Bowne and his Quaker business partners amidst the monetary problems of the day. After the outbreak of hostilities, the Continental Congress began printing paper money to fund the war. Due to the excessive quantities printed, the currency succumbed to hyperinflation, becoming virtually worthless by the end of the War. Many members of the pacifist Society of Friends boycotted the "Continental" as a tool of the war effort; the Philadelphia Meeting banned its use.
Bowne and Thorne apparently did not shun it outright, given their concern about its depreciation. Nor, apparently, did they resort to the so-called London Trade, or black-market commerce with British encampments and “banditti” on Sandy Hook. Though this illicit traffic was rampant in shoreline communities such as Shrewsbury, Quaker ethics forbade dealing in “prize goods,” which was grounds for disownment. Bowne and Thorne instead choose to convert their paper to commodity money, rather than British pounds: “…he [Thorne] brought down with him 1,500 dollars which, seeing no prospect of laying out to advantage in these parts, we concluded best for him to go down into Virginia and lay the same out in Tobacco and let it lay until matters are settled, which we hope will not be long…” Bowne makes clear that he is still hoping for a swift resolution to the conflict.
“We should be very glad to hear from you, and How it fairs with Friends in General.”
Flushing Friends Meeting House and burial ground, 1880 (MCNY)
What about the letter’s recipient—John Bowne in Flushing? Unfortunately, we have no letters going the other way that might shed light on the Revolutionary experience at Bowne House. We do have some general knowledge of life in Flushing during this period. Long Island was under British martial law from August 27, 1776 until the war's end in November 1783. The army twice occupied the Flushing Meeting House, using the building as barracks, prison, and hospital, and stripping the benches and fencing for firewood. Quakers met in private homes during this time, likely including Bowne House. Under both the Whigs and the British, they were subjected to fines and confiscations of property if they refused to serve in the civil guard or contribute supplies and labor to the war effort. Members of the Flushing Meeting suffered penalties totaling 194 pounds, 11 shillings and 10 pence from 1775-1785. Furthermore, all Long Islanders were exposed to additional violence or robbery from Patriot guerillas and privateers, rogue British soldiers, and brigands taking advantage of the general chaos. Robert and John's sister Mary and her husband Israel Pearsall suffered two home invasions at their house in North Hempstead, during one of which Pearsall screamed "Murder! Murder!" from his rooftop until the alarm was sounded; they lost their household linens and some silverware.
We do not know if John Bowne himself shared in these tribulations. We do know that he was a member of the Meeting for Sufferings, an arm of the New York Yearly Meeting that assisted local Quakers experiencing hardship or persecution. During the Revolutionary period, it also advised other Meetings on how to respond to requests from the authorities in a way consistent with the Peace Testimony. John Bowne was Treasurer of the Meeting in 1777, when they refused a demand from Governor Tryon to supply socks and mittens for the soldiers. He also was one of the writers of a May 1778 petition asking the British commander-in-chief to restore the Meeting House to the Quakers, which enjoyed temporary success.
THE AFTERMATH
Robert Bowne (1745-1818). Bowne House Portrait Collection
Robert Bowne may not have supported the Revolution, but afterwards he participated whole-heartedly in the task of building a new, post-Revolutionary society. Returning to New York City after the peace, he turned the Bowne and Co. stationers into a thriving financial printing company. Today, the 18th-century print shop has been recreated as a museum at South Street Seaport. Bowne also co-founded New York’s first bank and its first fire insurance company; co-founded the New-York Manumission Society and the Society for Establishing a Free School; served as governor of New York Hospital; chaired the New York City Health Committee; and even formed an inland navigation company which constructed three locks on what later became the Erie Canal. At New York’s Emancipation Day festivities in 1827, the orator William Hamilton posthumously lauded him in a roster of alternative Founding Fathers who opposed slavery. Today, an oil portrait of the mature Robert Bowne hangs over the hearth in the Bowne House parlor, casting a benevolent patriarch’s gaze upon all passers.
However, I treasure this humble letter—one of very few that Bowne House has from him—as a memento of a time in his life before his many accomplishments, before he became the august figure in the portrait. It shows us a Robert Bowne who is young and vulnerable; a displaced person threatened by a war he never wanted, but resolutely trying his best to provide for his family and maintain his social ties across the front lines.
This article was adapted from an article that originally appeared in the Fall 2018 issue of the Bowne House Newsletter.
FULL TRANSCRIPTION:
Shrewsbury 12 Mo: 3rd: 1776
Dear Brother
I have Long waited for a good opertunity
to write thee, as I make no Doubt you are ancious
to hear how it fairs with us in this time of general
Calammity, as yet we have been much favour'd
in Every respect. The 27th: of Last Month Betsey[1] was
safely deliverd of a fine son a Nother Robt Bowne[2] &
she with the Child are Both Brave,[3] Little Molley[4]
grows a fine girl has been very Harty all summer.
I have been very Harty all summer but this fall
have had two short spells of the Intermitting
Fever, But am in Hopes I have got quite Clear of
it. I have Endeavour’d to avoid giveing Offence to
any, have associated with very few which I have
found to be much the safest, as there are many
warm persons near us that are ketching at Every
thing they can take the Least advantage of to Distress
those who do not approve of their Violent and Unjust
Proceedings. The New Yorkers have been repeatedly thret-
ened that they should be all Drove away from this
Quarter tho they Never put it in Execution, many
that was here have returnd to New York. I should
have been there my self before this had it not been
for my Family which I do not Intend to Leave
as long as I can stay with them. I am just Inform'd
that some of the Kings Troops and Light Horse are
9 or 10 Miles this side of Amboy which has Occa-
tion'd the Provincials to withdraw the Guards from
along Shore and given me this opportunity of
writing to thee. ______ I expect Robt: Murray
has got the 4 Hhds:[5] of Tobacco which was sent up to
thy care last summer, as he had orders to send for
them. If
[PAGE TWO]
they are not taken away already thee will write
Robert Murrays Name on them and send them
to him whenever he should give orders for them.
Jos: Thorne has been down here several times this
fall, we have contrived matters in the best manner
we were Capable of, to avoid suffering by the
Depreciation of the Continental Currency. The
last time he was here is about two weeks ago
when he brought down with him 1500 Dollers
which seeing no prospect of Laying out to
advantage in these parts we concluded best for
him to go down into Virginia and lay the same
out in Tobacco and let it lay until Matters are
setled, which we hope will not be long first.
We have heard nothing from you since Jno: White
the cash thee sent by him came safe to hand--
but he Destroyed all the Letters that was sent by
him before he got over to the Main.[6] We should
be very glad to hear from you, and How it fairs
with Friends in General. I hope thee Will not fail
to write me as soon as Possible and send it to
the Care of our Friend Robt: Murray who will
take care to forward the same to me, as this
goes under cover to him, Tel[l] Cousin Abby, if at
Flushing that I have forwarded 4 Letters to the
care of R. Murray from her Friend Billey who the
last accts: was in the West Indies, I Expect waiting for
a good Opportunity to get here. Betsey Joins in
much Love to brother & sister Pearsall,[7] Cousin's,
Betsey’s Brother Tommey and all other Friends
with a great share to thy Self._________
Thy Affectionate Brother.
R: Bowne
[BACK OF PAGE]
To:
John Bowne
at
Flushing
Transcription by Charlotte Jackson.
NOTES
[1] Elizabeth (Hartshorne) Bowne (1750-1837), daughter of Robert Hartshorne and Sarah Salter
[2] Robert Hartshorne Bowne (1776-1843) inherited Bowne & Co.
[3] brave: healthy, strong
[4] "Molley" Bowne (1774-1852) married Benjamin Greene Minturn.
[5] Hhds: "hogsheads". A hogshead was a standard barrel 48 inches long and 30 inches in diameter, used to transport tobacco in Colonial America. A fully packed barrel weighed about 1,000 pounds.
[6] the Main: the mainland, as opposed to the British-occupied islands Manhattan, Long Island, and Staten Island.
[7] Mary (Bowne) Pearsall (1741-1799) and her husband Israel Pearsall (1733-1799), sister and brother-in-law to Robert and John.
